appeal to congress for impartial suffrage answer key

It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. Orators, - There is something immeasurably mean, to say nothing of the cruelty, in placing the loyal negroes of the South under the political power of their Rebel masters. Freedom of speech and of the press it slowly but successfully banished from the South, dictated its own code of honor and manners to the nation, brandished the bludgeon and the bowie-knife over Congressional debate, sapped the foundations of loyalty, dried up the springs of patriotism, blotted out the testimonies of the fathers against oppression, padlocked the pulpit, expelled liberty from its literature, invented nonsensical theories about master-races and slave-races of men, and in due season produced a Rebellion fierce, foul, and bloody. But upon none of these things is reliance placed. An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage Frederick Douglass. Frederick Douglass, Refugee David W. Blight. But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. her fellow suffragettes. It is true that, notwithstanding their alleged ignorance, they were wiser than their masters, and knew enough to be loyal, while those masters only knew enough to be rebels and traitors. The principle of slavery, which they tolerated under the erroneous impression that it would soon die out, became at last the dominant principle and power at the South. For better or for worse, (as in some of the old marriage ceremonies,) the negroes are evidently a permanent part of the American population. 3 !1AQa"q2B#$Rb34rC%Scs5&DTdEt6UeuF'Vfv7GWgw 5 !1AQaq"2B#R3$brCScs4%&5DTdEU6teuFVfv'7GWgw ? answer choices Thomas Jefferson Abraham Lincoln George Washington Woodrow Wilson Question 5 Can that statesmanship be wise which would leave the negro good ground to hesitate, when the exigencies of the country required his prompt assistance? All this and more is true of these loyal negroes. the members of congress. It comes now in shape of a denial of political rights to four million loyal colored people. In a pair of Atlantic articles in 1866 and '67, Douglass addressed members of the 39th session of Congress, urging them to give black Americans the right to vote. They fought the government, not because they hated the government as such, but because they found it, as they thought, in the way between them and their one grand purpose of rendering permanent and indestructible their authority and power over the Southern laborer. They fought the government, not because they hated the government as such, but because they found it, as they thought, in the way between them and their one grand purpose of rendering permanent and indestructible their authority and power over the Southern laborer. Their history is parallel to that of the country; but while the history of the latter has been cheerful and bright with blessings, theirs has been heavy and dark with agonies and curses. Frederick Douglass: An Appeal To Congress For Impartial Suffrage 753 Words | 4 Pages. It will swallow all the unconstitutional test oaths, repeal all the ordinances of Secession, repudiate the Rebel debt, promise to pay the debt incurred in conquering its people, pass all the constitutional amendments, if only it can have the negro left under its political control. The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect is a doctrine which we must banish, as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. endobj The Rebel States have still an anti-national policy. Nor can we afford to endure the moral blight which the existence of a degraded and hated class must necessarily inflict upon any people among whom such a class may exist. 30 seconds. His right to a participation in the production and operation of government is an inference from his nature, as direct and self-evident as is his right to acquire property or education. There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you give him at once a powerful motive for all noble exertion, and make him a man among men. The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect, is a doctrine which we must banish as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. Congress must supplant the evident sectional tendencies of the South by national dispositions and tendencies. It is a measure of relief,--a shield to break the force of a blow already descending with violence, and render it harmless. The spectacle of these dusky millions thus imploring, not demanding, is touching; and if American statesmen could be moved by a simple appeal to the nobler elements of human nature, if they had not fallen, seemingly, into the incurable habit of weighing and measuring every proposition of reform by some standard of profit and loss, doing wrong from choice, and right only from necessity or some urgent demand of human selfishness, it would be enough to plead for the negroes on the score of past services and sufferings. Nations, not less than individuals, reap as they sow. , or . 'Adobe Photoshop CS3 Windows 2010:08:10 15:03:38 & | &( . A small donation would help us keep this available to all. The contents of The Frederick Douglass Papers at the Library of Congress are in the public domain and are free to use and reuse. African Americans--Washington (D.C.), - Give the negro the elective franchise, and you give him at once a powerful motive for all noble exertion, and make him a man among men. The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. My Escape from Slavery. It was a war of the rich against the poor. To make peace with our enemies is all well enough; but to prefer our enemies and sacrifice our friends,to exalt our enemies and cast down our friends,to clothe our enemies, who sought the destruction of the government, with all political power, and leave our friends powerless in their hands,is an act which need not be characterized here. Men are so constituted that they largely derive their ideas of their abilities and their possibilities from the settled judgements of their fellow-men, and especially from such as they read in the institutions under which they live. Anthony, Susan B. Can that be sound statesmanship which leaves millions of men in gloomy discontent, and possibly in a state of alienation in the day of national trouble? The South will comply with any conditions but suffrage for the negro. Loyalty is hardly safe with traitors. He is a man, and by every fact and argument by which any man can sustain his right to vote, the negro can sustain his right equally. Statesmen of America! The soil is in readiness, and the seed-time has come. National interest and national duty, if elsewhere separated, are firmly united here. It will tell how they forded and swam rivers, with what consummate address they evaded the sharp-eyed Rebel pickets, how they toiled in the darkness of night through the tangled marshes of briers and thorns, barefooted and weary, running the risk of losing their lives, to warn our generals of Rebel schemes to surprise and destroy our loyal army. Arming the negro was an urgent military necessity three years ago,are we sure that another quite as pressing may not await us? There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. It is plain that, if the right belongs to any, it belongs to all. Man . Which of the following sentences from the essay "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" by Frederick Douglas indicates a claim by the writer? The result is a war of races, and the annihilation of all proper human relations. There is that, all over the South, which frightens Yankee industry, capital, and skill from its borders. Impartial history will paint them as men who deserved well of their country. 865-425-9601. But this mark of inferiorityall the more palpable because of a difference of colornot only dooms the negro to be a vagabond, but makes him the prey of insult and outrage everywhere. Is the existence of a rebellious element in our borders--which New Orleans, Memphis, and Texas show to be only disarmed, but at heart as malignant as ever, only waiting for an opportunity to reassert itself with fire and sword--a reason for leaving four millions of the nation's truest friends with just cause of complaint against the Federal government? The principle of slavery, which they tolerated under the erroneous impression that it would soon die out, became at last the dominant principle and power at the South. It is impossible at this point in time to rid African Americans from the country.2. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. Read the next essay; Griffiths, Julia, -1895--Correspondence, - It is nothing against this reasoning that all men who vote are not good men or good citizens. National interest and national duty, if elsewhere separated, are firmly united here. It is supported by reasons as broad as the nature of man, and as numerous as the wants of society. "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" Contributor Names Douglass, Frederick, 1818-1895 Created / Published January-April 1881 Subject Headings - Douglass, Frederick, 1818-1895 . None of the choices The lamb may not be trusted with the wolf. Many daring exploits will be told to their credit. Will you repeat the mistake of your fathers, who sinned ignorantly? Manuscripts, - Look across the sea. Is the present movement in England in favor of manhood suffragefor the purpose of bringing four millions of British subjects into full sympathy and co-operation with the British governmenta wise and humane movement, or otherwise? Something then, not by way of argument, (for that has been done by Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, Wendell Phillips, Gerrit Smith, and other able men,) but rather of statement and appeal. They are able, vigilant, devoted. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you at once destroy the purely sectional policy, and wheel the Southern States into line with national interests and national objects. Loyalty is hardly safe with traitors. Bruce, Blanche Kelso, 1841-1898--Correspondence, - From "Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" How does Douglass support his claim that African Americans have rendered a "score of past services" to the United States? The proposition is as modest as that made on the mountain: All these things will I give unto thee if thou wilt fall down and worship me.. Congress must supplant the evident sectional tendencies of the South by national dispositions and tendencies. Disguise it as we may, we are still a divided nation. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. The South does not now ask for slavery. They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. Under the potent shield of State Rights, the game would be in their own hands. Once firmly seated in Congress, their alliance with Northern Democrats re-established, their States restored to their former position inside the Union, they can easily find means of keeping the Federal government entirely too busy with other important matters to pay much attention to the local affairs of the Southern States. Caption title. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,--the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. It is nothing against this reasoning that all men who vote are not good men or good citizens. They are too numerous and useful to be colonized, and too enduring and self-perpetuating to disappear by natural causes. Masses of men can take care of themselves. o " The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. As a nation, we cannot afford to have amongst us either this indifference and stupidity, or that burning sense of wrong. Men are so constituted that they largely derive their ideas of their abilities and their possibilities from the settled judgments of their fellow-men, and especially from such as they read in the institutions under which they live. Foreign countries abound with his agents. Look across the sea. The American people can, perhaps, afford to brave the censure of surrounding nations for the manifest injustice and meanness of excluding its faithful black soldiers from the ballot-box, but it cannot afford to allow the moral and mental energies of rapidly increasing millions to be consigned to hopeless degradation. There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national idea and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. The last and shrewdest turn of Southern politics is a recognition of the necessity of getting into Congress immediately, and at any price. ' It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. Statesmen of America! What, then, is the work before Congress? For terms and use, please refer to our Terms and Conditions Freedom of speech and of the press it slowly but successfully banished from the South, dictated its own code of honor and manners to the nation, brandished the bludgeon and the bowie-knife over Congressional debate, sapped the foundations of loyalty, dried up the springs of patriotism, blotted out the testimonies of the fathers against oppression, padlocked the pulpit, expelled liberty from its literature, invented nonsensical theories about master-races and slave-races of men, and in due season produced a Rebellion fierce, foul, and bloody. King Cotton is deposed, but only deposed, and is ready to-day to reassert all his ancient pretensions upon the first favorable opportunity. Weve gathered dozens of the most important pieces from our archives on race and racism in America. Something, too, might be said of national gratitude. Helen Douglass papers, - Foreign countries abound with his agents. It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. His address, given in January 1867 in Washington, D.C., during the Congressional debate on black male voting in the territories, appears below. But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. It is nothing against this reasoning that all men who vote are not good men or good citizens. It is plain that, if the right belongs to any, it belongs to all. The new wine must be put into new bottles. Does any sane man doubt for a moment that the men who followed Jefferson Davis through the late terrible Rebellion, often marching barefooted and hungry, naked and penniless, and who now only profess an enforced loyalty, would plunge this country into a foreign war to-day, if they could thereby gain their coveted independence, and their still more coveted mastery over the negroes? As a nation, we cannot afford to have amongst us either this indifference and stupidity, or that burning sense of wrong. The South does not now ask for slavery. The dreadful calamities of the past few years came not by accident, nor unbidden, from the ground. Sprague, Rosetta Douglass--Correspondence, - As you members of the Thirty-ninth Congress decide, will the country be peaceful, united, and happy, or troubled, divided, and miserable. https://www.loc.gov/item/mss1187900602/. The destiny of unborn and unnumbered generations is in your hands.. Directions. The American people can, perhaps, afford to brave the censure of surrounding nations for the manifest injustice and meanness of excluding its faithful black soldiers from the ballot-box, but it cannot afford to allow the moral and mental energies of rapidly increasing millions to be consigned to hopeless degradation. Also available in digital form on the Library of Congress Web site. It is enough that the possession and exercise of the elective franchise is in itself an appeal to the nobler elements of manhood, and imposes education as essential to the safety of society. This ends the case. But in a country like ours, where men of all nations, kindred, and tongues are freely enfranchised, and allowed to vote, to say to the negro, You shall not vote, is to deal his manhood a staggering blow, and to burn into his soul a bitter and goading sense of wrong, or else work in him a stupid indifference to all the elements of a manly character. A. to ask that African Americans be permitted to be members of Congress B. to warn that southern states are planning for a second rebellion C. to persuade Congress to extend voting rights to freed slaves Nations, not less than individuals, reap as they sow. The Black Scholar Massachusetts and South Carolina may draw tears from the eyes of our tender-hearted President by walking arm in arm into his Philadelphia Convention, but a citizen of Massachusetts is still an alien in the Palmetto State. Library of Congress; Frederick Douglass Speeches, Debates, and Interviews Vol 1 (1841-1846) ed. The principle of slavery, which they tolerated under the erroneous impression that it would soon die out, became at last the dominant principle and power at the South. And does not the Emperor of Russia act wisely, as well as generously, when he not only breaks up the bondage of the serf, but extends him all the advantages of Russian citizenship? Arming the negro was an urgent military necessity three years ago, are we sure that another quite as pressing may not await us? Bassett, Ebenezer D., 1833-1908--Correspondence, - If the doctrine that taxation should go hand in hand with representation can be appealed to in behalf of recent traitors and rebels, may it not properly be asserted in behalf of a people who have ever been loyal and faithful to the government? <> . We want the cheerful activity of the quickened manhood of these sable millions. Is the present movement in England in favor of manhood suffragefor the purpose of bringing four millions of British subjects into full sympathy and co-operation with the British governmenta wise and humane movement, or otherwise? United States--Politics and government--19th century, - Image 1 of Frederick Douglass Papers: Speech, Article, and Book File, 1846-1894; Speeches, Articles, and Other Writings Attributed to Frederick or Helen Pitts Douglass, 1881-1887; "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," 1881. a convenience, and may not be complete or accurate. It must cause national ideas and objects to take the lead and control the politics of those States. <> stream The work of destruction has already been set in motion all over the South. Anaphora. The hope of gaining by politics what they lost by the sword, is the secret of all this Southern unrest; and that hope must be extinguished before national ideas and objects can take full possession of the Southern mind. It is to save the people of the South from themselves, and the nation from detriment on their account. This evil principle again seeks admission into our body politic. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenseless, the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinence to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. All Rights Reserved. This ends the case. Question 4 60 seconds Q. Carrie Chapman uses the words of which historical men to persuade to congress to allow women to vote? Under the potent shield of State Rights, the game would be in their own hands.

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